These were recorded flat and then also equalized with Turnover: The preferred versions suggested by an audio engineer at George Blood, L. The recording on the other side of this disc: Not completed due to physical condition of disc. Uploaded by jakej on May 22, Internet Archive's 25th Anniversary Logo. Search icon An illustration of a magnifying glass. User icon An illustration of a person's head and chest. Sign up Log in. The Syrian dep- uty did not link this problem to the use of the Arabic language because Ottoman Turkish was the language of the central administration,and any Arab who intended a civil-service career would have been fluent in it.
You know,however,thatthe Arabsconstituteabouthalf the OttomanEmpire'spopulation. They contribute,like the rest, to the Treasury;yet, despite this, andthe fact thatthe Constitutiondecreesjust andequaltreatmentamongthe different constitutiveelementsof the Empire,we see thembarredfromGovernmentfunctionsin the centraladministration.
Let us assumethatthereis no one amongus who is worthyof dis- chargingthe duty of a ministeror fittedfor the occupationof the post of governor wall , but isn'tthereamongthe youngArabswho graduatedfromthe law school or fromthe col- lege of civil administration or fromany otherinstitutionof higherlearninganyonewho is competentenough to be an examiningclerk mumayyiz in a subordinatesectionor a regis- trar muqayyid in the GrandVezirate,or in some ministerialdepartment?
A degreeof jus- tice is in orderhere! Is it possiblethatthe Arabnationlacks competentyoungmen for a positionof an examiningclerk? By the Syrians already employed in the provincial administration began to be promoted at a rate equal to their other classmates. When al-'Asali accused the CUP of discriminating against the Ar- abs by not appointing them to "high positions,"56he was probably referring to the provincial administration.
Al-Muqtabas, the most influential newspaper in Damascus, complained about po- litical appointments. It stated that, instead of promoting CAbdal-Wahhab al-Inklizi, who was serving as the kaimmaqamof the Bab district in the province of Aleppo, to be vali of the province, the Ministry of Interiorchose to appoint Kazim Bey who had no experience in provincial administration. The newspaper did not mention that the new vali was a Turk, but it did say that the appointmentdeviated from the usual practice of promoting career provincial administratorslike kaimmaqdmsand mutasarrifs who had originally graduatedfrom the miilkiye to be valis and was in- stead appointing military commanders and pro-CUP newspaper editors to such po- sitions.
The very fact that many of them were graduates of the mulkiye made them confident that giving pri- ority to merit would gain them the promotions they sought. One aspect of all this controversy was the conflict between careerist and non- careerist officials. Al-CAsalicomplained that the appointments to minor positions requiredpassing an exam, but "no such exam is required for the position of vali or mutasarrif and nobody investigates whether a newly appointed vali is a graduateof a college or not.
He suggested appointing competent Turks to be valis and competent Syrians to be mutasarrifs in the Syrian provinces. They demanded that the central government appoint officials fluent in Arabic, so that they would better understand local affairs. In the local context, the situation was more complex. The assertion that "the Young Turk period was not marked by any changes in the language of administra- tion, the courts, or education"62is only partly valid.
It is vitiated by the classic methodological problem of undifferentiation between laws passed and laws actu- ally applied. Here again language stood for the more socially significant competi- tion between Arab Syrians and Turks over positions in various areas and levels of the local judicial and civil bureaucracies.
Although it is true that it was Sultan Abdulhamid II who started Turkifying the language of the new state schools, employed Turks as teachers in these schools, em- ployed Turks as judges in the state courts in Syria, and exerted more secular control over these courts, this process of centralization,secularization,and creeping Turkifi- cation was far from complete when his rule came to an end. After it was left for the CUP to try to hasten and complete and process.
The reaction of the Arab Syrians was to demand reversing the Turkificationpolicies of both Abdulhamidand his successors. In , Sultan Abdulhamid had issued a law that reorganized the separate state courts nizamiye that had been created in by putting them under the control of the central authoritiesratherthan under the provincial vali.
It abolished the role of the local notables and requiredinstead that all memberjudges of the state courts be appointedfrom among the graduatesof the law school in Istanbul. On 23 February , George Devey, the British consul in Damascus, reportedthat a new order had pro- hibited any further such appointments and had confined the Ministry of Justice's selection to exclusively Western-educatedgraduatesof the law school in Istanbul.
His newspaper supported the Arabists' cause from that point on. The British council in Damascus reported on 4 April The Ministryof Justiceabolishedthe old systemof assigningjudicialmembershipin Da- mascusto nativeselectedfor a termof two years,andappointedpermanentmembersto fill theseposts. Fourof the newly appointedmembersarenativesof Damascus,while the other eight areTurks.
Similarprocedurehas been appliedin fourcazasof the vilayet,viz. Local merchants were not pleased either. In April , when the president of the commercial court in Damascus insisted on Turkish as the language of proceedings in his court, the mer- chants protested on the grounds that they could not follow the proceedings.
In ad- dition, because their depositions were made in Arabic, any change, however slight, through translation to Turkish might adversely affect their cases. Some of them demandedthe use of Arabic for instructiononly in local state elementary schools; others thought it should apply through secondary schools as well. This policy may have been motivated by the need for homogeneity and uniformity in the empire. It was pur- sued between and and directed against the privileges enjoyed by the non-Muslims and the capitulations enjoyed by the European powers in Ottoman lands.
Instruction in the millet schools on all levels was either in the local lan- guage or some European language, and the language of instruction in foreign schools was usually French or English. Turkish was not seriously taught in these schools,81 which explains why one of the articles of the CUP program in re- affirmed a decree that had been issued in that required the study of Turkish in all schools of the empire including communal and foreign schools and was ap- parently intended "to undermine some of the immunities enjoyed by foreign schools under the capitulations, as well as to circumvent the nationalist fervor among the non-Turkish communities.
Muslim students who were more dependent on state schools were in- structed in Turkish. By insisting on Arabic as the language of in- struction in state elementary and secondary schools, the Muslims were, among other things, seeking equality with their Christian compatriots.
In the local civil administration,measures that had adverse social effects on the lower and low-middle classes were also initiated. The government also tried to restrict the influence of foreign schools by refusing to employ their graduates in the public sector.
Although his opposition to the CUP may have been grounded in ideology,91 as a graduate of the medical school of the Syrian Protestant College in Beirut and a physician employed by the municipality of Da- mascus,92the new measures would have affected him. A liberal profession did not guarantee freedom from government control or influence. The antagonistic sentiment between Turk and Arab is beginning to permeate downwards to the lower classes; and will soon be no longer confined to the ulama, notables and grand- ees, and official circles.
The most sore point of all is the attempt of Young Turks to propagate the use of Turkish in exclusion of Arabic in all official circles; and while all verbal evidence is in Arabic at the law courts, judgments, sentences, decrees and sundry orders are put into Turkish often to the confusion of the applicant or the litigant.
In the Judicial Department again most of the higher officers such as the Procurer-General,presidents of courts, know scarcely any Arabic or indeed none at all, and in fact out of some thirty or more, only about one half a fair col- loquial knowledge of the language of the country, these being mainly the clerks and asses- sors; of the three mustantiks [examining magistrates], one know[s] very little Arabic, whereas it is absolutely essential for his investigation.
Syrian members in the Lower Chamberof Deputies exerted pressure on the government to change its policy. Ac- cording to Sulayman al-Bustani, deputy of the province of Beirut, they were par- tially successful. In a speech he delivered in Beirut in September , al-Bustani, who was on good terms with the CUP and usually acted as a mediator between it and the Arabists, mentioned that the central government had yielded to Syrian de- mands on two points.
It had reversed its earlier decision to sack local tax collec- tors, and it had agreed that only Arab teachers should teach Arabic. The latter decision was especially importantbecause it promised to reverse a pre prac- tice. On another pre practice, the ignorance of Arabic by non-Arabjudges, al- Bustani said only that the minister of justice was looking into this matter.
All that Istan- bul promised was a change in style, not substance, that is, to send Arabic-speaking instead of non-Arabic-speakingTurks to fill these posts. The significance of this last point should not be overlooked.
It showed that the central government was, wittingly or unwittingly, continuing Abdulhamid's policy that resulted in blocking the employment of the middle-class, Western-educated Arab Syrians in the local administration. This may explain, at least in part, why a number of young Syrians who opposed the Hamidian autoc- racy thought that their earlier membership in Arab cultural nationalist societies was not incompatible with joining CUP local chapters in and , but re- versed their position in and after.
However, all three left the CUP and became activist Arab nationalists after Another more visible sign of intra-CUP conflict between the central com- mittee and the local Syrian chapters may be detected when a split occurred in the Beirut chapter of the CUP between the Arab and Turkish members in According to a British correspondenitwriting in early , Jealousyof the Turkhas been aggrevatedby the methodsof the Committee.
The local Syr- ian committeesreorganizedby agentsfromSalonika,are now almostentirelyin the hands of Turks. Mostof the Arabmembersseeingthattheyareof no account,haverefrainedfrom attendingand manyof themhave gone to the lengthof resigning. Theiropenly expressed discontenthas made no impressionupon the Committee. If the local newspapersdare to publisharticlesdisrespectfulto it, they are warnedfrom Salonikathat the editorhad best set guardover his pen lest he shouldcome to an untimelyend, a threatwhich it is all the moredifficultto disregardsince in Constantinopleit has twice been carriedout.
Department of State archival material confirms the general picture provided above and suggests that Istanbul was not honoring some of its promises, but rather trying to broaden the scope of Turkification. On 16 Au- gust , W. Stanley Hollins, the American consul-general in Beirut, stated in a dispatch to the secretary of state in Washington that "the Government is slowly but steadily going ahead and replacing Syrian officials here with Turks, practically none of whom know Arabic, the language of all of Syria.
After the Ottoman defeat in the war with Italy over Tripolitania in and in the first Balkan war in late , refugees from both regions found their way to Anatolia and Syria. At the end of , for example, local newspapers describe how Arab clerks and functionaries in Beirut's first circuit court had to be demoted to comply with an order from the Ministry of Justice in Istanbul appointing a non-Arabic-speaking immigrant Turk from Tripolitania as a head clerk in that court.
In a conciliatory move, the vali asked al-'Asali to assume his responsibilities as the newly appointed mu- tasarrif of the northwesterncoastal Syrian district of Latakia. Al-'Asali refused and asked the vali why he was accompanied by alien policemen. The vali replied that they were experienced men and victims of the fall of the Balkans. To that al-'Asali tersely protested, emphasizing the role of Arabic in the local context, "The Arab nation is in no position to maintain all the employees of the state.
It has rather to choose them on the basis of merit and knowledge of the local language and cus- toms. The rest can choose other professions for a living. As was expected,the commissaireswho were orderedto go to Bassorahhave resigned ratherthanbe obligedto go to such a place as Bassorah,whereit wouldbe impracticable for themto taketheirfamilies. This is a very convenientway to get rid of a Syrianofficial; transfer him to some outlandish place where it will be impossible for him to live, and he will resign and leave a vacancy into which a hundred hungry Turkish ex-office-holders, be- longing to the hereditary office-holding class, of whom a vast horde have been driven out of Tripolitania and Macedonia, will clamor to be put.
In additionto these changesin the personnelof the police, ten Turkswho have lost their positions in Northern Macedonia, and who do not understand any Arabic at all, have just arrived in Beirut and have been given positions in the local finance department.
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